Posts Tagged ‘The Mission of Orthodoxy Project’


Dear Readers,

While this is the last of the Mission of Orthodoxy posts, I am pleased to announce that the WebYeshiva Blog will be hosting my next series, to begin the week after Shavuot. That series, titled The Religious Creativity Project, will pick up where the Mission leaves off. I will be trying to show how much personal input into our religiosity the religion not only wants but expects from us, even within full halachic observance. I will take about 20 weeks to do this, but the overall goal will be to show how and in what ways halacha is only meant as a starting point, not an ending point, of our relationship with God. I look forward to seeing you on the blog! Gidon Rothstein

Schools may prepare children for adulthood, but– as a sociological fact rather than an halachic one[i]– synagogues are where Jews live out that adulthood. A Judaism aware of its mission takes advantage of that fact, but sees synagogue as an efficient organizing tool for religious life, not the sum total of it.[ii] My question here, therefore, is whether synagogues serve their basic function, helping Jews achieve the core mission of the religion.

Complicating the answer, synagogues are also, properly and appropriately, institutions of communal cohesiveness. Building that communal bond and sense of connection involves activities essential to the synagogue’s becoming and remaining a venue to which congregants turn for friendship and support. Those activities should, again, be seen as the necessary foundation on which to build a synagogue’s communal function, not the sum total of them.

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Last Updated on Thursday, 13 May 2010 09:20

The ideals and mission of Judaism, including the issues about charity we saw last time, are transmitted in various places, but none so important as home, school, and synagogue. The home front and how it runs might be affected by our discussions until now, so I intend to use the next two (and the final) posts to discuss those other institutions.

As the primary location of childhood education, let us consider how a mission-based religiosity would approach schools. The first step is realizing how problematic school has become,[i] even outside of Jewish contexts. One deep problem lies in schools’ trying to get students to achieve goals whose value is unclear to many, especially students. For example, Michael Bradley, a child psychologist, was trying to explain school to teen readers of his Yes, Your Parents Are Crazy. Describing what school is not, Bradley writes:

School is definitely not relevant (useful), at least not in the way that parents seem to think it is. Most of the subjects you learn in high school you’ll never use as a grown up [emphasis added]… As an adult, you might end up using some of your high-school courses, but, at best, most of what you learn is forgotten fast and forever after the final exam…[ii]

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Last Updated on Sunday, 9 May 2010 10:24

While last time I used the English term ‘sociology’ for practices generated more by people than by the system itself, there is an halachic concept, minhag, that helps us evaluate the Jewish value of such practices. Through a brief and decidedly not comprehensive review of some of the basic issues, I hope to show where such customs fit in the priorities of a committed observance.

The first step is to note that the source of the obligation to follow minhag is either a verse from Haazinu (Devarim 32; 7), שאל אביך ויגדך, ask your father and he will tell you, or from Mishlei 1; 8, שמע בני מוסר אביך ואל תטוש תורת אמך, where the latter part of the verse, do not abandon the Torah of your mother, is taken as a metaphorical reference to the Jewish people and its customs. As we have seen, Haazinu is a part of the Torah we are all supposed to know well, but this particular verse’s role and its nonlegal context (all the more true for verses from Proverbs) might lead us to question whether the context doesn’t already show that customs cannot compete in importance with the mission-shaping ideas and observances we have discussed until now.

I need not push that point, however, to show that the contemporary attachment to ‘custom’ has become overgrown, and often gets in the way of realizing our mission as Jews.


What Constitutes a Custom? Not a Mistaken Ruling

One often neglected point is that binding minhag is not always created by a Jew or group of Jews acting in some way. For one thing, if those Jews mistakenly believe that halacha demands such conduct, that is not a minhag, it is a mistake. Under the rubric of דברים של היתר ואחרים נהגו בהם איסור, permissible matters that others treat as prohibited, we find two modes of reaction. Where the people know they have chosen to refrain from something otherwise permitted, halacha prohibits engaging in that activity in front of them, out of a sense of halachic politeness.

The crucial caveat is that they must know that it is their choice. If they erroneously believe it is legally forbidden, we are allowed, perhaps encouraged, to reject that in front of them. To give a practical example, take kitniyot, the Ashkenazic custom to prohibit rice, legumes, and now corn, on Pesach. Were Jews to forget that this is a custom, others would be permitted (and, depending on how we read the discussion in the Gemara, perhaps encouraged) to eat such foods in front of them, to show them their error.

I think of that example because one noted Israeli rabbi has said that as far as he is concerned, it should be emotionally impossible for a Jew to eat something that looks and tastes like chametz, like leavened bread, on Pesach. I think this position needs to be vigorously denied. The Torah knew how to define prohibitions, and if it wanted Pesach to be a time to avoid all leavened-type foods, it knew how to do so. The Gemara itself knew of rice as a grain-like food—so grain-like that the Gemara determined that it needed a blessing of בורא מיני מזונות, Who creates types of nourishing foods—and yet had no qualms about permitting it on Pesach.

I bring this up not only because I feel strongly about it, but also as an example of how we allow our customs to change our understanding of what God wants from us. Whatever the reason for the prohibition of leavened bread on Passover, it did not extend beyond the five central types of grains. That Ashkenazi custom did so is an important fact for Ashkenazi Jews, but it can never be allowed to be seen as defining the Torah prohibition.

A Ruling Is Not a Custom

Just as mistakes cannot become a custom, decisions about the law also cannot, at least according to some authorities. For Ran (R. Nissim of Gerona, 14th century Spain), accepting one side of a debate does not create a custom to follow that view, it becomes a person’s or community’s understanding of the demands of halachah. When Ashkenazic Jews follow the Tosafists’ reading of Talmudic topics and Sefardic Jews follow Rif or Rambam’s (or, sometimes, vice verse), Ran would tell us, those practices are not matters of custom, they are differing (and equally binding on their relevant communities) reads of what Judaism wants of us.

This is important for cases when people move from one place to another. As far as the Gemara indicates, customs are adopted by communities, and are binding upon members of those communities for only as long as they reside there. Moving with no intent to return would seem to free a person of his or her allegiances to the preceding set of customs, and obligate taking on the customs of the new place. For Ran, that would not apply to those situations where our practice was based on ruling according to one authority over another.

It would, however, apply to situations where it is not a question of ruling, but of simple practice. We fail to recognize this now because people have long assumed that they should transport their communal customs with them. That is not at all clear, however, as highlighted by the following question: If the custom of my place is to prohibit some item, and I then move where there are two communities, one of which continues the custom to which I have always adhered, am I also obligated to do so?

This came up in the 20th century, where the Seridei Esh was asked about a person who moved from a place where Jews ate only glatt kosher meat to a place where some did and some did not (there was a time when it was possible to buy meat that was clearly kosher, even if not glatt). I will not attempt to answer the question (Seridei Esh is himself leery of doing so, but has no clear reason to prohibit the person from joining the non-glatt community in his new town) because it is, in fact, a vexed one with too-significant ramifications to hope to entertain in this space. What is clear, though, is that much more of custom is place-specific than we currently realize.

Customs Are Only Matters Related to Prohibition

Another limitation on the applicability of questions of custom is that some authorities did not think that every Jewish activity qualified as custom; most prominently, many authorities, starting with Maharashdam, a 16th century rabbinic leader in Salonika, thought that nusach, the words of the prayers, was not a matter of custom, since it bore no connection to matters of prohibition. (Later, the teachers of Chatam Sofer adopted what we call Nusach Sfard, even though their prior custom had been Nusach Ashkenaz, which seems to rely on that idea as well). That means that before we call something a minhag, we would have to be sure that it touched on matters of prohibition (so, for one easy example, upsheren would not be a custom by these standards, since it bears no connection to any issue of allowed or prohibited).

Family Customs

The last type of custom to consider is family customs, those passed down from parents to children, which, in the Talmudic presentation, might seem least amenable to change. The Gemara tells the story of בני ביישן, either the children or the people of Baishan, who ask to be freed of their parents’ (or ancestors’) custom not to travel at all on Fridays, and are told they must adhere to the practice even though it is no longer as easy for them as it was for their forebears.

The story seems to show that some customs are obligatory and incontrovertible. Further supporting that is another tradition that a cherem accepted by a certain community can also obligate all generations to follow. (It is in this sense that Ashkenazic Jews follow what we call cherem Rabbenu Gershom, the set of communal ordinances, that prohibit such practices as marrying more than one wife).

Some limit all that to where the descendants still live in the same city; were they to move to another city, the custom would fall away, unless the descendants knowingly reinstituted it in the new place. Chavot Yair also notes that it is inconceivable that the practices of a parent automatically become obligatory upon one’s descendants. He does not elaborate, but would seem to require some kind of explicit acceptance by the child—outside of the parent’s presence or influence—before the custom would obligate that child, even if they still lived in the same place.

What should be clear from this brief discussion, one that is obviously too brief to capture each or any of these topics in their full complexity, is that custom is an important area of Jewish practice, but should be clearly differentiated from any mission-shaping parts of Judaism. The broad idea that the legacy of the past is significant might be part of our Haazinu-awareness, but beyond that, custom is another part of the many that make up the whole tapestry of the religion.

Where Does That Leave Us?

Having taken care of two relatively ancillary points, halachic process and custom, we can get back to the mission, only now in its most practical sense, the ways in which it tells us that we as Jews have lost sight of what it most essentially means to serve God. To recall, in trying to see what Orthodox Judaism unequivocally puts as its mission, we found that it calls for a life in which God sits at the center, because Jews have a constant obligation to maintain an awareness of the existence, uniqueness, and unity of God, to seek to improve their awe of God, love of God, and to distance themselves from any distractions from that program.

True as that is, billions of people believe in God, in some sense, and assume they are guiding their lives in ways calculated to build a better relationship with that God. One place where Judaism differs is that it insists that the way—the only way– for a Jew to know whether his or her actions are distancing or enhancing the relationship with God is by passing them through the prism of halacha, a set of mitzvot and their concomitant laws, that show how God defines a well-lived human life.

The Mission and Character Development

One easy place to notice where the mission should affect Jews’ lives is in character development. Whereas an ordinary human being tries to become more kind because it is right or good to do so, the Jew tries to become more kind also, and probably primarily, as an expression of his or her attempts to become God-like, as expressed in God’s Attributes of Mercy. This is not to say that the ordinary human reason is not enough; it is that the aspect of becoming more God-like is always there as well.

This alters the insight that comes out of the story told of a student whose teacher was ill. The student called up and said, “Rebbe, let me come fulfill the mitzva of bikur cholim, of visiting the sick!” Responded the teacher, “I’m not your lulav.” As usually told, the teacher seems to have been pointing out that acts of kindness cannot treat the recipient as a means to an end; human beings’ inherent worth and dignity obligates kindness as a response and for no other reason.

Based on my understanding of the mission, I would add that Jews understand that in treating others with kindness, we are partnering with God in furthering the perfection of the world God created. Whereas an ordinary human visits a friend who is ill because it is the proper expression of friendship, the Jew sees the proper expression of friendship, with full appreciation of the value and human dignity of the sick friend, as an extension of establishing a world that operates as God wanted it. When God visited Abraham as an model of visiting the ill, informed him of the impending destruction of Sodom to teach him about charity and justice, and later revealed a longer list of God’s Attributes to Moses at Sinai, God was giving Jews the great gift of a blueprint of how we can mold ourselves to be more God-like.

That means that a first part of seeing ourselves as Jews assigned a mission is that we see ourselves as obligated by God to constantly question ourselves and our development in very specific ways. Questions of health, financial security, emotional and relational development, career success, may all have their place but should be, for the mission-sensitive Jew, subordinated to questions about how well I have yet done in shaping myself and my character to make myself a servant of God. That question, which accompanies a mission-sensitive Jew at every moment of his or her life, is whether and how he or she can further develop a character that is more God-aware, more God-driven, and more God-like. It is a lifelong project, one that should be enhanced by all Jewish observances, not lost in the welter of them.

Next time, we will continue our discussion of the mission’s impact on our lives, with specific examples of how our current experience of Judaism would change with proper awareness of what Orthodoxy essentially requires.

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Last Updated on Sunday, 18 April 2010 09:14

First, let me welcome everyone back from the Pesach break; I hope the holiday of freedom gave us all a chance to reflect and renew our commitment to the kind of freedom God gave us by taking us out of Egypt—the freedom to strive as hard as possible to subjugate ourselves to the Divine Presence and the commandments that Presence gave us at Sinai.

On a more technical note, allow me to share my hope to finish this project by Shavuot. To achieve that goal, or approach it, I will allow myself to make these posts a little longer. I recognize that many people are having trouble keeping up as is, but I figure those people are planning on catching up later (if at all) anyway, so there’s little harm in compacting the process somewhat.

Just to remember, given the gap between posts, we started with a discussion of theology, moved to practical halacha and specific mitzvot, and then spent a little time on the nature of Orthodox halacha. In all those discussions, I hope to have shown the essence of the Orthodox world in its purest expression, the extent to which it seeks a focus on God and building a life and a world that relate to God regularly, if not always.

The Messy Realities of Life and Their Impact

But Jews, like all humans, do not live by theory alone. In the “real” world, Judaism is rarely if ever expressed as the sources call for it. As the Rov, zt”l, once noted, when learned husbands suggest to their wives that they need not be stringent in certain areas of kashrut, the wives kick them out of the kitchen, insistent on doing it as tradition passed it along. In other areas of the Orthodox world as well, certain practices and expressions of religiosity take on a role and centrality the system never intended. The way people actually live has a force of its own, such that “being Orthodox” or “being Jewish” will necessarily include aspects that have not appeared in my list so far.

There are positive and negative aspects to this, even from a mission-based Orthodox perspective. By laying out the different sides of that question, we will see that much as we can ratify and applaud many of these more sociologically-driven practices, we need to also be aware of the danger, nay the frequent reality, that they will distract or derail us from that which is most central. After doing that in general terms, I will also show how halacha offers a sort of framework for how to slot in sociologically-driven practices.


Marker-Practices and the Sociology of Orthodoxy

Our discussion of halachic process showed one way in which non-core issues elbowed their way into the conversation of the mission of Orthodoxy. Acts that were not themselves part of that mission might nonetheless signal a significant abandonment of Orthodoxy if those acts were justified in a non-halachic way. In such cases, though, we might argue that the significance stems from the process being a part of the mission, since it differentiates legitimate from illegitimate interpretation. Since a part of the mission is safeguarding the Torah, Written and Oral, given at Sinai, wrong halachic process endangers that mission.

Sociologically-driven observance poses similar concerns. To take examples mentioned earlier, some Orthodox Jews define their religion by the fact of keeping kosher and observing the Sabbath, or affiliating with an Orthodox synagogue (where the single marker of Orthodoxy might be its having a mechitza, a partition between men and women during prayers). We can already note that the power of these practices outweighs their systemic importance, since kosher and mechitza did not figure prominently in the earlier posts, except (in the case of kosher laws) as one of Rambam’s sixty positive commandments that characterize an ordinarily lived Jewish life.

Sociology is not only a force for leniency or laxity, as there are Jews who would not accept someone else’s Orthodoxy if they have ceased wearing curly sidelocks (for men), or a certain style of hair covering and/or skirt for women. In an extreme (and distressing) example, a friend told me of a young man who grew up in a “right-wing” Israeli family, for the purposes of this story defined by its opposition to serving in the Israeli Army.

The young man decided to attend a yeshivat hesder, a post-high school institution in which he would combine Torah study time and army service; other than ceding some Torah time to army service, the commitment to observance and Torah study is, at least in theory, the same as in the “right-wing” world. The father cut him off since, to him, the son had abandoned the religion and values he had been taught at home, and refused to speak with him. One of the boy’s aunts took him in, so that he have a place to go on occasions when he got time off from the Army base and/or yeshiva; the father cut her off as well. For that father, army service was a mark of having left Orthodoxy.

We could substitute many other candidates, depending on the subset of Jewry being discussed; some deny that an Orthodox Jew would attend a four-year college under non-Jewish auspices, and some that a Jew would refrain from wearing a yarmulkeh. All of these, I note, are definitive of Orthodoxy only sociologically, not out of a well-founded consideration of what halacha itself says.

The Danger of Drifting with Sociology

That many Orthodox Jews at their base experience religion sociologically can and often has warped the system, leading to Jews’ emphasizing the insignificant and losing sight of the central and vital. First, that a sociological split can lead Jews to lose their sense of solidarity despite the much more significant system and ideals they do share, shows that those Jews have imperfectly absorbed the religion’s essential messages. What unites Jews was and should be that which God, the Torah, and Judaism emphasized as most characteristic of the relationship with God.

An example is a story told about Rabbi Ben-Zion Gold, ob”m, a mid-20th century Orthodox Zionist. When he toured the United States to raise money, he spent his time in Baltimore at the home of R. Yitzchak Ruderman, ob”m, a friend from European yeshivot who had gone on to found a non-Zionist yeshiva, Ner Israel.

Once, a listener asked R. Gold why he stayed at the home of a non-Zionist, glossing over the uncomfortable truth that the Zionists of Baltimore were insufficiently observant, at the time, to properly host a man of Rabbi Gold’s halachic commitments. Rabbi Gold responded, “Because with him I have a dispute over one mitzva (the settling of the Land of Israel). With you, I have a dispute over many more.”

The answer epitomizes the dangers of falling into a sociologically-driven experience of Judaism. The question of Zionism, then and now, deeply divides Orthodox Jews, as well it might. Yet its importance, in the context of the halachic system, does not compare to that of overall questions of observance or Torah study. Were we forced to choose between becoming a non-Zionist or a Zionist who fails to study Torah regularly, fails to activate his or her awareness of God, is lax about clear demands of Jewish law, and lives in a manner largely indistinguishable from the surrounding society—although neither choice is acceptable– an Orthodox Jew must take the first. Of course, religious Zionists deny the necessity of choosing between those extremes, but the point about not letting sociology overcome the religion remains relevant and vital.

I need to add two important caveats to that last paragraph. First, when I say a “non-Zionist,” I can only mean it in its contemporary political version; to long for the redemption and return to Israel is, as we have seen, part of the mission. Indeed, many “non-Zionist” Jews have taken advantage of the Jewish society built by the Zionists to activate the dream of returning to live in the Land, as the religion tells them they should.

It is also true that the question of how important it is to live in Israel, even in pre-messianic times, would change were we to find the majority of world Jewry living in Israel. At that point, there are commandments from the Torah that would again become fully obligatory, which might well convert living in the Land to a core, mission-defining aspect of the religion. But that is not an unequivocal truth, it is only my concession that the question of Zionism and/or living in Israel might not be purely one of sociology.

Synagogue Attendance: A Hotbed of Sociology

To come to more common examples of sociology outweighing religion, we need only look at synagogues. Consider the fast of the first-born, where custom decreed they should fast to commemorate their having escaped the fate of the Egyptian first-born. Observing that in the breech, first-born today gather in large numbers to hear a siyum, a completion of some significant piece of Torah study, allowing them to partake of a meal and thus exempt themselves from fasting.

Similarly, the first night of selichot, of reciting customary pleas for forgiveness in the days leading up to Rosh haShana and Yom Kippur, draws numbers not only much greater than ordinary synagogue services, which are more halachically significant, but also than the rest of the selichot up until Yom Kippur.

Speaking of Yom Kippur, Kol Nidre, the beginning of the services on Yom Kippur eve, draws many more people than other prayers of that very day. As with the other examples, Kol Nidre has little, if any, halachic meaning, and is thus completely a matter of sociology, of how people are used to experiencing their Day of Atonement.

One final example is Yizkor and kaddish, prayers recited in memory of deceased relatives. Here, too, people who otherwise make no particular attempt to attend synagogue go out of their way to be there all the time and on time. It is not that this or any of the other customs lack attestation in Jewish tradition, it is that the level of commitment they inspire, in contrast to practices with greater systemic value, reminds us that for many Jews, including Orthodox ones, the system’s wants are not paramount in determining how to act.

The most uncomfortable element of this reality, to me, is that it seems to ratify the views of Mordechai Kaplan, who was expelled from Orthodox rabbinic circles for arguing that Judaism is a culture rather than a religion, and developed Reconstructionist Judaism based on that insight. The practice of many Jews today would suggest he only erred in going from is to ought, but that he accurately reported the way too many Jews experience their religion, as a set of cultural practices rather than a response to a divine command.

The Push to Belong: Positive Values of Sociology

Of course, sociology can also lead people to greater observance. For many, many Jews, social comfort and camaraderie is the start of a road that comes to include Torah study, awareness of God, and all we could hope for in an observant Jew, and we would be foolish and churlish to ignore that reality. I believe, for example, that we all would encourage a person beginning the road to observance to perform whatever mitzvot he or she felt ready to undertake, without insisting on the most central ones coming first.

Such returnees will also often adopt practices whose prime pull is sociological, but we hope and expect the rest will fall into place over time. This is not a warping of the religion; it is a realistic approach to human psychology and sociology. If singing songs at the Sabbath meal (not a mitzva of its own) draws people closer to taking on core commitments, few would be so pedantic as to insist on progress from the core outward.

Sociology can also work in protective fashion, showing us where abandoning certain practices has greater danger than the specific role in the system of that act or practice. That heightened sensitivity quite possibly underlies the mechitza battles of mid-twentieth century American Jewry. In a country that assumed that the family that prayed together stayed together, the Orthodox attachment to a partition between men and women became a source of tension, and many otherwise Orthodox congregations sought to dispense with a bothersome relic.

The leaders of Orthodoxy unanimously and vigorously rejected the possibility. Famously, Rabbi Joseph B. Soloveitchik z”l ruled it preferable to forego hearing the shofar blown on Rosh haShana—a clear obligation laid down by the Torah– to attending such a service. I cite him not because he was the most prominent or important of the rabbis insisting on mechitza, but, first, because he is known as someone open to applying the traditional system in new and innovative ways, and yet his support of mechitza was fierce and visceral.

That showed itself in the halachic extreme to which he took his position. Whereas the Biblical source of the need for mechitza is obscure, the obligation to hear shofar is clear; even were we to grant a Torah-law need for mechitza, it is unclear why the absence of such would obligate losing out on hearing shofar, at least on technical halachic grounds.

I mention this not to doubt his conclusion but to suggest—as have others, at least orally– that he and his contemporaries ruled with an appropriate awareness of the sociological ramifications of certain practices. They recognized that taking down the mechitza was a gateway action likely to lead to further abandonment of Orthodox practice and belief, giving it an importance unconnected to its technical place in the halachic religious firmament. Mechitza became vital because it was, at that moment, the battleground over the future of Orthodoxy.

A similar idea arises in the Talmudic discussion of שעת השמד a time when persecutors try to eradicate Jewish observance [1] . Despite the ordinary rule that some transgressions may be violated to avoid the threat of death, such times require resistance, even for a practice as seemingly minor as the Jewish method of tying shoelaces. Whatever an organized enemy identifies as the part of Judaism to attack becomes so vital at that time, place, and social circumstances, to obligate Jews to defend it, even to death.

These examples capture the advantage and the danger of sociological Orthodoxy. The convenience of quick labeling (if they keep Shabbat and kosher, or wear the right kind of fur hat, they’re basically just like us) fosters the important values of friendship and brotherhood. On the other hand, they can lead us to accept as Orthodox those who are not, denying the Orthodoxy of those who are, and, worse, losing sight of the religion’s core message and interest.

This last point reminds us that we can end up confusing acts, whatever they may be, with developing a relationship with God. As Isaiah first complained, for such people ritual becomes a מצוות אנשים מלומדה, an acquired set of habits rather than a passionate and determined movement ever-closer to the Holy One, Blessed Be He [2]. Successful Orthodoxy must navigate the Scylla and Charybdis of sociology, maximizing social comfort while repeatedly re-focusing ourselves on our mission as Jews. In the next post, we seek that sweet spot, the perfect balance between accepting people as they are, encouraging their sense of closeness to the religion wherever and however it comes, and maintaining an awareness of the system’s concerns.

[1] Sanhedrin 74b.

[2] Isaiah 29;13.

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Last Updated on Thursday, 8 April 2010 03:31

We have been discussing the qualifications of a person rendering an halachic argument or decision, noting that personal qualities are an important element in determining the Orthodoxy of the position asserted. In that list of qualifications, there is also the question of the breadth of the person’s halachic interests.

One-Shot Wonders and the World of Orthodoxy

Some fully traditional and authoritative halachists, it is true, focus on one topic and its details. Indeed, single-minded focus might lead to a greater authority in that subject area than achieved by generalists. Certainly the history of halacha knows of, and has been enriched by, one-shot wonders, unquestionably traditional writers who left only one major work, or only one of whose works became standard on its topic. At the same time, too narrow a focus sometimes warns of a politically charged agenda. In such cases, we might begin to wonder whether the decisor is being influenced by factors and sources external to—and therefore possibly alien to– the system itself. Interestingly, that might happen either way: the decisor might be overly quick to reject avenues for flexibility because of the overtones of the question, or, in reverse, be inordinately moved by a perspective that is not sufficiently grounded in halacha and Jewish thought.

The scholar might equally well have tested his or her ideas to insure that they do fit the system, so the external origin is not itself proof of non-Orthodoxy. In perhaps the most famous example, Rambam would certainly claim that he only adopted those philosophical ideas he found to be consonant with the system of Torah. The various poskim of the 20th century to whom we have referred were also clearly involved with and attuned to the issues of their day, and yet grounded their halachic decisions in the original intent and tenor of the sources they cite. Nonetheless, the breadth of a person’s halachic interests seem to me one consideration in the extent to which we rely on their authority.

Like everything else in this section, the concern with a halachist’s stature and qualifications should not be seen as a recipe for stasis or as discouraging appropriate innovation. Judaism has seen many daring writers; R. Elijah of Vilna, known as the Vilna Gaon, disagreed with earlier sources on occasion as did R. Abraham Isaiah Karelitz, known as Chazon Ish [i]. Their path is open to others, to be sure, but the level of authority it requires is considerable.

Aside from the halachist’s person, the idea being advocated can sometimes announce its questionable place in Orthodoxy. For the most banal example, no argument or source, no matter how authoritative or convincing, can successfully advocate idol worship. To get less trivial, I offer two more questions to ask of the substance of an halachic ruling.

Question 3: Evolution or Revolution?

The greater the change to current practice being advocated, the greater the burden of proof and/or underlying authority it bears. Evolutionary change, which looks for the next step in the system’s slow unfolding, obligates a lesser level of proof than revolution, a completely new idea as to how Jews can serve God.

That halacha will evolve is clear from the recognition that the same system must apply to various cultures and eras. On simpler matters, where the legacy of the past is clear, arguing that x is the logical extension will be easier; as the complexity heightens, or the specificity of the legacy abates, a concomitantly higher level of textual and/or rabbinic authority will be necessary to bestow authenticity on an halachic claim. The same goes for arguing that conditions have changed sufficiently to lead to a different conclusion than the one offered in the Talmud; while it happens, it requires a greater level of authority and of persuasiveness of argument [ii].

Beyond that, there are occasions where halachists successfully offer a new way of looking at a topic that is nonetheless fully Orthodox. An excellent example is R. Zvi Ashkenazi, known by the title of his responsa, Chacham Zvi, who argued that diaspora Jews could observe only one day of a holiday, like the residents of Israel, whenever they were in Israel. His argument was that the ordinary way of thinking about the issue was erroneous and that correct analysis would yield agreement with his perspective [iii].

There has been great resistance to his ruling, and many still abide by the earlier view [iv]. Among the factors that give it any legitimacy, though, are his personal halachic stature, his following ordinary halachic process, and his recognizing and engaging the earlier sources in categories and modes of thinking familiar and customary within the system.

Question 4: How Significant a Change?

The distinction between evolutionary and revolutionary change focused on how related the new idea was to those that had come before. Within either of those categories, we can again differentiate changes by their impact on the system. Change to a custom observed by only a small contingent of Jews, even if it were revolutionary, would still be less significant than that affecting a Torah law, or one that touched the lives of a larger number of Jews. As before, the more significant the change (halachic or sociological, a category of practices we will discuss in upcoming posts), the greater the level of halachic authority we would hope for in those who authorize this change.

It would be more Orthodoxly satisfying, that is, to join the Zionist movement because great rabbis have agreed to its value and validity than to do so simply because it strikes the private individual as correct. Similarly, the early twentieth century Yeshiva University hired various European rabbis, implicitly attaining greater halachic legitimacy; the presence of Rabbi Joseph B. Soloveitchik z”l, in the mid and late twentieth century crucially continued that legitimacy. Some of that is certainly sociological, but the greater the innovation at hand, as an halachic matter, the greater backing authority needed as well.

Question 5: What Kinds of Sources Are Being Cited?

Moving beyond the person of the decisor, the first step of halachic process is to consult texts, the sources of plausible halachic truths. The wealth of texts bequeathed by Jewish history and tradition means that supporting any halachic argument will involve selecting and interpreting sources, either of which can foster error.

Selecting sources involves decisions on relevance, on which sources to consult, and authority, which sources to accept as more probative than others. While relevance is often a matter of personal library (no one cites as widely as R. Ovadya Yosef, yet even he has more and less preferred sources), authority questions arise both within and without the canon of traditional Jewish texts.

Some texts that are undeniably part of the tradition nonetheless wield questionable halachic weight. Aggadic (loosely: storytelling) Midrashim, those texts that tend to expand the storytelling aspect of Jewish literature, for example, are not always intended to convey halachic information, as we suggested in an earlier post about the story of Hillel and the convert. Works devoted to religious exhortation, Jewish history and/or Jewish philosophy might have either dispensed with or lost their claim to halachic authority [v]. In addition, some apparently useful sources are of questionable authorship or include conclusions that have been roundly rejected by other halachists [vi].

An extension of this question is how to use non-halachic books as part of the halachic process [vii]. If, for example, someone were discussing medical ethics, we can imagine non-halachic literature that would be useful, even necessary, for the discussion.

In relying on such citations, though, we must remember that their validity stems only from their validity, not from any inherent commitment Jews have to following their perspectives. Whereas a Torah scholar’s ideas about Torah and halacha are valuable by virtue of their partaking of the chain of Torah study extending back to Sinai (even if we ultimately reject the conclusions), other fields’ value for halacha is limited to the extent that they reveal or articulate truths. Were such a source to be discredited or its conclusions disproved, it would fall out of our halachic interest and consciousness.

Some of that hesitation should, it seems to me, permeate our use of any sources that run counter to current halachic assumptions even when no question has been raised about their soundness. While halacha has always proven adaptable to newly discovered truths, that process of adaptation properly occurs only when what has been discovered is a truth rather than a fad. Just as the failure to absorb newly discovered truths puts unneeded stress on Jews’ ability to adhere to God’s law, falling for the latest social whim and bending halacha to it violates proper halachic process. The challenge lies in distinguishing newly discovered truths from passing fancies.

Question 6: How Broad a Sample of Sources?

Aside from which sources an author uses, the question of how many also shapes our reaction to halachic writing. Some writers attempt to be comprehensive, others cite more selectively. Either can work in the hands of a capable writer, a fact that itself needs stressing, but the strategies leave us with different burdens in evaluating the results.

Those who quote widely can sometimes blur the weight appropriate to the various authors being cited. If twenty authors have addressed an issue, but half of them are of significantly lesser renown than the others, the halachic system sees their opinion as carrying less weight than the well-known ones. If the author of an halachic opinion ignores this, his conclusions becomes suspect as well.

This applies not only to unknowns, but within the well-known halachic pantheon. There is no cut-and-dried set of comparisons, but such names as Rashi, Rambam, Ramban, and Rashba generally have greater authority than writers such as R. Hayyim Cohen (the Tosafist), R. Shlomo of Montpellier (min ha-har), R. Hillel of Verona, and Maharah Or Zarua. I do not mean to denigrate or make light of the learning or piety of the latter group, only to note that the flow of halachic literature does apply a loose ranking system. Granting the unclear borderline, we can still note the danger of justifying conclusions by relying on authorities from the second group who are opposed by authorities in the first.

For the narrower citers, the main challenge is making sure not to omit importantly relevant sources. For an example so obvious that I cannot imagine it occurring, researching a topic without consulting Shulchan Aruch—even if later discussions allowed for a different ruling—would be a sure warning sign that the writer was not operating within an Orthodox perspective of halachah. [viii].

Question 7: Is the Reading of Sources Plausible?

Sources have to be used correctly to be actual sources. Often, this is a matter of plain Hebrew, with a consensus view of a text’s meaning and little room for error; other times, interpretational issues muddy the waters, as there is no clear definition of what constitutes a “proper” reading of a text. It is, as so much in life, the kind of thing we know when we see it, but others may know something else when they see that.

There is a charming story, almost definitely apocryphal, that makes the point. An Chasidic and Mitnagdic rabbi had decided to pair up in a chavruta, a study fellowship. Beginning at the first tractate of Talmud, the Mitnaged read “מאימתי קורין את שמע בערבין, when do we read the night time Shema?” to which the Chasid responded, “I read the text as מאימת ה’ [splitting the word מאימתי, from when, into two words] we read the Shema at night.” At which point, with no common ground on which to build, the Mitnaged shut his volume and the chavruta ended.

This comes up especially when a source uses a word or phrase without bothering to define it, taking the meaning so obvious as to not need further clarification. As the generations pass and language changes, the decoding of such earlier writings can often become fraught with disagreement. To take an example, the statement “Cooking is prohibited on Shabbat” might seem free of any need for elaboration. In fact, however, while the contemporary view of cooking focuses on the impact of heat on the food, the rules of Shabbat focus on the source of that heat. A simple term, ripe for misinterpretation.

Unfortunately, there are no clear parameters for reasonable reading of sources, making the answer to this question likely to be personal and subjective [ix]. Even so, it bears asking, as it reminds us of the goal of accurate interpretation of the system, in contrast to imposing our own concerns and beliefs on the texts at hand.

Question 8: Has the Author Stayed Faithful to the Intent of the Original Source?

Perhaps one way to gauge the accuracy of the reading of the text is to go beyond words and phrases to the intent of a source. Much like a movie advertisement that selectively excerpts a negative review, halachic sources can be quoted to effects their authors did not intend and would likely have opposed. Even more of a judgment call than the issues we have raised thus far, this is yet at least as important, since accurate halachic process always sees itself as faithfully representing the original intent of earlier texts. Proper extrapolation from, and application of, earlier ideas must be built on accurate citation and interpretation of those ideas.

The overeager writer will certainly be tempted to stretch sources beyond where that earlier author, were he here to weigh in, would have gone. Alternatively, the overly traditional writer might miss new directions the earlier writer left room for in his formulations. In reading contemporary halachic arguments, then, we need to ascertain the extent to which the contemporary writer has accurately conveyed the content and general thrust of the citation, in addition to its technical meaning.

I do not mean these questions as an exact checklist against which we can verify the Orthodoxy of halachic writings, but as a broad and purposely vague set of categories into which Orthodox halacha necessarily falls. Many whom I would not consider Orthodox, I am sure, see themselves as fitting perfectly into these parameters; others more halachically conservative than I might consider me as having moved outside of them. In trying to answer these questions, though, I believe we can keep the central issues of what makes halacha Orthodox in mind.

Having moved from theology to practice to legal decision-making, I hope to have shown the essence of the Orthodox world in its most pure expression, the extent to which it seeks a focus on God and building a life and a world that relate to God regularly, if not always. But Jews, like all humans, do not live by theory alone.

In the world of real life, the expression of Judaism is rarely, if ever, exactly as the sources of Judaism call for it. In the Orthodox world as well, certain practices and expressions of religiosity take on a role and centrality the system itself never designed. This phenomenon has both positive and negative aspects, and it is differentiating the two that we take up in the next series of posts, to come following what I hope is a happy and kosher Pesach for all.

[i] As noted by A. Rosenak, “Borderlines and Deviance in Orthodoxy: Conservative Halakhic Adjudication and Post-Modern Orthodoxy” in Orthodox Judaism: New Perspectives, p. 165. In contrast to my assumption and experience of them as exceptional in the world of Orthodox halachah, he takes them as proof that Orthodox rabbis, like Conservative ones, disregard earlier sources.

[ii] Here we also meet the question of prioritization. Granted that some halachic change is defensible, the person advocating it should, it seems to me, consider whether the change being advocated is among the most pressing concerns for moving Orthodoxy forward. If not, advocacy for that idea becomes a distraction that is best shooed away for a time when the more pressing issues have been solved or resolved.

[iii] Responsa Chacham Zvi, 167. The traditional view, first espoused by the highly authoritative R. Yosef Karo (author of the Shulchan Aruch), was that this was an example of a person from a place with one custom arriving in a place with differing ones. In such cases, halacha follows the well-known principle that the person follows the stringencies of both places; he can only discard the old place’s customs when he takes up permanent residence in the new place. Chacham Zvi argued instead that the two-day holiday should be seen as an extension of the system when the calendar was fixed by eyewitness testimony. Since, back then, anyone actually in Israel would know when the New Moon had been declared, such a person would only observe one day; the same should be true now. I argued for a similar rethinking of a topic in BaDaD 14, where I claimed that the Talmud and rishonim meant a different physical phenomenon when they referred to sunset than what we mean by that term.

[iv] Indeed, the major rabbinic authorities, such as Mishnah Berurah, Aruch haShulchan, and R. Moshe Feinstein, seem not to even take account of his suggestion.

[v] In the introduction to his חפץ חיים (Chafetz Chayim) on the laws of slander and gossip, R. Yisrael Meir Kagan feels the need to defend his reliance on Rabbenu Yonah’s שערי תשובה, Gates of Repentance. Despite its being an exhortative work, he notes, Rabbenu Yonah wrote carefully in halachic terms as well.

[vi] Examples include Besamim Rosh, a set of responsa apparently forged in the name of the authoritative R. Asher b. Yehiel of the early fourteenth century, the Zohar, which met early opposition (in our times, many will cite it as fully authoritative, but not all); and the last volume of Iggerot Moshe, given R. Feinstein’s age and perhaps physical condition at the time they were written. An author’s lack of renown in his own era might also limit his halachic influence; such has largely been the case with the works of R. Menachem haMeiri, most of which only achieved any prominence in the 20th century. Similarly, even as the writings of R. Hayyim Hirschensohn garner great attention among Israeli academics, his halachic authority is unclear. Interestingly, Rosenak, p. 137, notes that Hirschensohn’s halachic positions bear similarities to those of Conservative decisors.

[vii] Rosenak, p. 154-5, assumes that the Modern Orthodox commitment to modernity includes accepting all the truths of modern society, and relates it to Rambam’s embrace of philosophy. I disagree with both claims; as far as I understand it, Orthodox Jews accept only those outside texts or ideas, modern, Aristotelian, or otherwise, that capture truths that, once noted, are seen to be—to borrow the formulation of my teacher, R. Aharon Lichtenstein– congruent, confluent, or convergent with Orthodox ones.

[viii] Rosenak, e.g., notes a tendency among Conservative writers to dispense with later literature in favor of finding the original intent of the Talmud. Among other issues, this violates the principle suggested here, that the sources quoted have to include the major relevant ones.

[ix] In a non-halachic context, I showed some of this kind of difference in my doctoral dissertation, Writing Midrash Avot, available at www.yasharbooks.com/open/#current.

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Last Updated on Thursday, 25 March 2010 08:14